Upturn in Saxony-Anhalt in between structural Barriers
Udo Ludwig, Brigitte Loose
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 7,
2011
Abstract
The gross domestic product of Saxony-Anhalt will increase by 2.6% in 2011. Due to structural reasons the growth is lower than in Germany. In Saxony-Anhalt the key growth driver, the engineering industry, are poorly represented. The previously strong food industry suffers under the pressure of rising commodity prices. The growth gap is explained also from a slowing dynamics in the industry later this year, what is already indicated in the intermediate goods sector, which is the most important part in Saxony-Anhalt´s industry. In addition, the dynamics of household demand for consumer goods and housing is weaker because of the sharp decline in population. Furthermore, the government sector slows in connection with the consolidation of public budgets. The growth gap compared to the average of the New Federal States in total also stems from the fact that the recovery in Saxony-Anhalt had progressed rapidly in the previous year.
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On the Economic Architecture of the Workplace: Repercussions of Social Comparisons among Heterogeneous Workers
Oded Stark, Walter Hyll
Journal of Labor Economics,
No. 2,
2011
Abstract
We analyze the impact on a firm’s profits and optimal wage rates, and on the distribution of workers’ earnings, when workers compare their earnings with those of co-workers. We consider a low-productivity worker who receives lower wage earnings than a high-productivity worker. When the low-productivity worker derives (dis)utility not only from his own effort but also from comparing his earnings with those of the high-productivity worker, his response to the sensing of relative deprivation is to increase the optimal level of effort. Consequently, the firm’s profits are higher, its wage rates remain unchanged, and the distribution of earnings is compressed.
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Is East Germany Catching Up? A Time Series Perspective
Bernd Aumann, Rolf Scheufele
Post-Communist Economies,
2010
Abstract
This article assesses whether the economy of East Germany is catching up with the West German region in terms of welfare. While the primary measure for convergence and catching up is per capita output, we also look at other macroeconomic indicators such as unemployment rates, wage rates and production levels in the manufacturing sector. In contrast to existing studies of convergence between regions of the reunified Germany, our approach is based purely upon the time series dimension and is thus directly focused on the catching up process in East Germany as a region. Our testing set-up includes standard ADF unit root tests as well as unit root tests that endogenously allow for a break in the deterministic component of the process. We find evidence of catching up for East Germany for most of the indicators. However, the convergence speed is slow, and thus it can be expected that the catching up process will take further decades until the regional gap is closed.
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Challenges for Future Regional Policy in East Germany. Does East Germany really show Characteristics of Mezzogiorno?
Mirko Titze
A. Kuklinski; E. Malak-Petlicka; P. Zuber (eds), Souther Italy – Eastern Germany – Eastern Poland. The Triple Mezzogiorno? Ministry of Regional Development,
2010
Abstract
Despite extensive government support the gap between East and West Germany has still not been successfully closed nearly 20 years post German unification. Hence, some economists tend to compare East Germany with Mezzogiorno – underdeveloped Southern Italy. East Germany is still subject to sever structural problems in comparison to West Germany: lower per capita income, lower productivity, higher unemployment rates, fewer firm headquarters and fewer innovation activities. There are East German regions with less than desirable rates of development. Nevertheless, the new federal states have shown some evidence of a convergence process. Some regions have developed very positively – they have improved their competitiveness and employment levels. As such, the comparison of East Germany with Mezzogiorno does not seem applicable today.
According to Neoclassical Growth Theory, regional policy is targeted enhancing investment (hereafter the notion ‘investment policy’ is used). has been the most important instrument in forcing the ‘reconstruction of the East’. Overall, the investment policy is seen as having been successful. It is not, however, the only factor influencing regional development – political policy makers noted in the mid 1990s that research and development (R&D) activities and regional concentrated production networks, amongst other factors, may also play a part. The investment policy instrument has therefore been adjusted. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that investment policy may fail in particular cases because it contains potentially conflicting targets. A ‘better road’ for future regional policy may lie in the support of regional production and innovation networks – the so-called industrial clusters. These clusters would need to be exactingly identified however to ensure effective and efficient cluster policies.
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The Gender Pay Gap under Duopsony: Joan Robinson meets Harold Hotelling
Boris Hirsch
Scottish Journal of Political Economy,
No. 5,
2009
Abstract
This paper presents an alternative explanation of the gender pay gap resting on a simple Hotelling-style duopsony model of the labour market. Since there are only two employers, equally productive women and men have to commute and face travel cost to do so. We assume that some women have higher travel cost, e.g., due to more domestic responsibilities. Employers exploit that women on average are less inclined to commute and offer lower wages to all women. Since women's firm-level labour supply is for this reason less wage-elastic, this model is in line with Robinson's explanation of wage discrimination.
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Is East Germany Catching Up? A Time Series Perspective
Bernd Aumann, Rolf Scheufele
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 14,
2009
Abstract
This paper assesses whether the economy of East Germany is catching up with the
West German region in terms of welfare. While the primary measure for convergence and catching up is per capita output, we also look at other macroeconomic indicators such as unemployment rates, wage rates, and production levels in the manufacturingsector. In contrast to existing studies of convergence between regions of reunified Germany, our approach is purely based upon the time series dimension and is thus directly focused on the catching up process in East Germany as a region. Our testing setup includes standard ADF unit root tests as well as unit root tests that endogenously allow for a break in the deterministic component of the process. In our analysis, we find evidence of catching up for East Germany for most of the indicators. However, convergence speed is slow, and thus it can be expected that the catching up process will take further decades until the regional gap is closed.
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Potentials of Innovation in Eastern Germany: High Levels in Urban Centres and Dynamics in Rural Regions
Jutta Günther, Claus Michelsen, Mirko Titze
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 4,
2009
Abstract
Processes of innovation are usually complex, risky, and require a number of inputs, typically research and development (R&D) and a highly qualified workforce. The resulting inventions are the basis for patents that can be further developed into marketable products and real innovations. For example the spending for R&D, the number of highly skilled employees, and the number of patent applications can be seen as relevant indicators for the innovation power of firms. The sum of these measures can identify the innovation potential of whole regions. Because of the interdependence of these variables for the process of innovation, it is self-evident to summarize the measures in one index, which is presented in this article.
There are substantial differences between East German regions in terms of the identified innovation index for the period 2002 to 2006. The overall index indicates a north-south gap of the innovation potential. Bigger cities, such as Jena and Dresden, show up on top places. The view on the dynamics of the regional innovation potential (sub-index dynamics) reveals, however, that some more rural areas are very well off, for example Bernburg, Stollberg, Hoyerswerda, Dahme-Spreewald, Wernigerode and Bad Doberan. This is mainly caused by the innovative sphere of regional centres, but also due to the low base level of some regions.
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Firm Density in East Germany: Findings from the Business Register
Gerhard Heimpold
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 10,
2008
Abstract
The contribution focuses on the business density in East Germany in comparison with West Germany. For the purpose of the investigation, a new information source was used – the so-called Business Register. Business density in East Germany is of relevance for two reasons: First, when the wall came down in 1989, the East German economy suffered from the lack of private firms. Second, after 2000, a gap in terms of work places is still existent. The empirical data on business density in East Germany do not reveal an unequivocal picture. Measuring business density by comparing the number of firms with the respective number of population reveals a gap in terms of the number of businesses per 10 000 inhabitants in East Germany. The gap is above average with respect to firms in the manufacturing sector, and it is particularly high regarding larger manufacturing firms. Measuring the business density as a quota of the number of firms and the volume of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reveals a reverse picture: The business density in relation to GDP is on average higher in comparison with the respective value in West Germany. Maybe, the size of the East German market sets limits regarding the number of firms which may act there. However, the size of the domestic market is not so relevant for the firms belonging to the manufacturing sector and to the business-related services since they are expanding to a large extent due to their export activities. Though from the manufacturing sector, relativly positive development perspectives can be expected, the number of large firms per 10 000 inhabitants is relatively low in comparison with West Germany. Public support for strengthening the business landscape in the East German manufacturing sector remains on the agenda of economic policy in Germany.
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The Role of the Human Capital and Managerial Skills in Explaining the Productivity Gaps between East and West
Johannes Stephan, Wolfgang Steffen
Eastern European Economics,
No. 6,
2008
Abstract
This paper assess determinants of productivity gaps between firms in the European transition countries and regions and firms in West Germany. The analysis is conducted at the firm level by use of a unique database constructed by field work. The determinants tested in a simple econometric regression model are focussed upon the issue of human capital and modern market-oriented management. The results are novel in as much as a solution was established for the puzzling results in related research with respect to a comparison of formal qualification between East and West. Furthermore, the analysis was able to establish that the kind of human capital and expertise mostly needed in the post-socialist firms are related to the particular requirements of a competitive market-based economic environment. Finally, the analysis also finds empirical support for the role of capital deepening in productivity catch-up, as well as the case that the gaps in labour productivity are most importantly rooted in a more labour-intense production, which does not give rise to a competitive disadvantage.
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