• The cyclical upswing of the world economy comes to an end, since expansionary policies in the US are expected to peter out in 2019, and the protectionist course of the US government clouds the perspectives for world trade. • However, if a major trade conflict can be avoided, chances are good that world production growth will be close to the long-run average of a bit more than 3%, with trade expanding at a similar pace. • Slowing exports, in particular to China, can partly explain the setback, while domestic conditions still appear favourable: firms continued hiring, albeit by less than before, tight labour markets in many member countries have caused wages to rise more quickly, and house prices continue to increase markedly. • Since a trend to higher inflationary dynamics is still not detectable, the ECB is likely to either keep key interest rates unchanged in 2019 or raise them very carefully at the end of the year. • All in all, we expect the euro area growth rate to come down from 1.9% in 2018 to 1.5% in 2019 and 1.8% in 2020, and inflation to slightly slow down from 1.8% in 2018 to 1.6% in 2019 and 1.5% in 2020.

Im zweiten Halbjahr 2018 ist der Aufschwung der deutschen Wirtschaft ins Stocken geraten. Dabei geht der leichte Rückgang des Bruttoinlandsprodukts im dritten Quartal vor allem auf Probleme der Automobilbranche zurück: Viele Fahrzeugtypen waren nicht lieferbar, weil die Zertifizierung nach dem neuen Abgas-Prüfverfahren fehlte. Allerdings schwächt sich das Auslandsgeschäft schon seit Beginn des Jahres ab, denn die internationale Konjunktur hat den hohen Schwung des Jahres 2017 nicht halten können, vor allem wegen der hohen politischen Unsicherheiten, welche die Handelskonflikte, der nahende Brexit und der Konflikt um den italienischen Staatshaushalt mit sich bringen.

Binnenwirtschaftlich dürfte sich aber der Aufschwung in Deutschland im Lauf des Jahres kaum verlangsamt haben. Ein Hauptgrund dafür sind die weiter sehr günstigen Finanzierungsbedingungen. Sie werden aufgrund der expansiven Geldpolitik der EZB auch im Jahr 2019 günstig bleiben. Allerdings ist zu erwarten, dass das weniger freundliche außenwirtschaftliche Umfeld nicht nur die Exporte dämpft, sondern bald auch auf Investitionsentscheidungen und Personalpolitik der Unternehmen durchschlagen wird; zunächst wohl im Verarbeitenden Gewerbe, dann auch bei den Dienstleistern. Weiter bremsend wirkt zugleich der Fachkräftemangel am Bau, aber auch in anderen Branchen. Alles in allem ist damit zu rechnen, dass die Produktion im Jahr 2019 nur noch in etwa so stark zulegt wie die Produktionskapazitäten: Das Bruttoinlandsprodukt dürfte im Jahr 2018 um 1,5% und im Jahr 2019 um 1,4% steigen. Der gesamtstaatliche Haushaltsüberschuss beträgt im Jahr 2018 60 Mrd. Euro. Im Jahr 2019 verringert er sich auf 42 Mrd. Euro. Die ostdeutsche Wirtschaft dürfte in den Jahren 2018 und 2019 in etwa so schnell expandieren wie die gesamtdeutsche.

Steigt ein Fußballverein ab, leiden die Fans. Leidet auch die Region? Der Beitrag nutzt abstiegsbedingte Änderungen in der räumlichen Verteilung der Vereine in vier großen europäischen Profifußballligen, um den kausalen Effekt des Abstiegs eines Erstligavereins auf das regionale Beschäftigungs- und Wirtschaftswachstum zu testen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen signifikant negative kurzfristige Effekte eines Abstiegs auf die Entwicklung der regionalen Beschäftigung und der Bruttowertschöpfung in sportbezogenen Wirtschaftszweigen. Darüber hinaus finden sich negative Auswirkungen auf das gesamte regionale Beschäftigungswachstum.

We use Hurricane Katrina’s damage to the Mississippi coast in 2005 as a natural experiment to study business survival in the aftermath of a capital-destruction shock. We find very low survival rates for businesses that incurred physical damage, particularly for small firms and less-productive establishments. Conditional on survival, larger and more-productive businesses that rebuilt their operations hired more workers than their smaller and less-productive counterparts. Auxiliary evidence from the Survey of Business Owners suggests that the differential size effect is tied to the presence of financial constraints, pointing to a socially inefficient level of exits and to distortions of allocative efficiency in response to this negative shock. Over time, the size advantage disappeared and market mechanisms seem to prevail.

• Signs of a slowing world economy are piling up: Since the beginning of the year purchasing manager indices have been declining globally, in summer higher US interest rates led investors to withdraw capital from emerging markets, and as a consequence, capital costs rose and currencies depreciated in many emerging markets economies. In October stock prices decreased markedly worldwide including the US, despite the strong upswing in this country. • As a consequence of the turmoil on financial markets, monetary conditions in many emerging economies are no longer favorable. What ultimately counts for the prospects of the global economy, is, however, the performance of the US, the Euro area, China and Japan. The upswing in the US appears stable enough to continue well into 2019. While at present the rest of the group appears to lose momentum, there is a good chance that production in each of these economies will still expand at rates that are close to their potential growth. Further protectionist rounds are the most important risk to this scenario. • In the first half of the current year the euro area economy expanded at a markedly slower rate than in 2017, about 0.4% per quarter, but still substantial. Rising risk premia on Italian assets will probably force banks in this large country to tighten credit conditions, and a slowing world trade will dent export growth. All in all, we expect GDP growth in the euro area to go down from 2.4% in 2017 to 2.0% in 2018 and to 1.7% in 2019. • Employment continues to expand and vacancy rates are at present higher than in 2017. As a consequence, wages rise more quickly: nominal compensations per employee started accelerating early in 2017, and negotiated wages followed at the beginning of 2018. Wage inflation of slightly below 2.5% and healthy growth in employment raise real labor incomes markedly. • Our forecasts are based on the assumption that rating agencies will continue as-signing investment grade to the Italian government debt, and that the Italian government and the European Commission will find a compromise about the draft budget of the country in the coming weeks. Another assumption is that the UK will not exit the EU in an unorderly way in March 2019.

How do political connections affect firm dynamics, innovation, and creative destruction? To answer this question, we build a firm dynamics model, where we allow firms to invest in innovation and/or political connection to advance their productivity and to overcome certain market frictions. Our model generates a number of theoretical testable predictions and highlights a new interaction between static gains and dynamic losses from rent-seeking in aggregate productivity. We test the predictions of our model using a brand-new dataset on Italian firms and their workers, spanning the period from 1993 to 2014, where we merge: (i) firm-level balance sheet data; (ii) social security data on the universe of workers; (iii) patent data from the European Patent Office; (iv) the national registry of local politicians; and (v) detailed data on local elections in Italy. We find that firm-level political connections are widespread, especially among large firms, and that industries with a larger share of politically connected firms feature worse firm dynamics. We identify a leadership paradox: when compared to their competitors, market leaders are much more likely to be politically connected, but much less likely to innovate. In addition, political connections relate to a higher rate of survival, as well as growth in employment and revenue, but not in productivity – a result that we also confirm using a regression discontinuity design.

This article examines how trade shocks shape labour market imperfections that create market power in labour markets and prevent an efficient allocation of labour. I develop a framework for measuring such labour market distortions in monetary terms and document large degrees of those distortions in Germany’s manufacturing sector. Import competition can only exert labour market disciplining effects when firms rather than workers have labour market power. Otherwise, export demand and import competition shocks tend to fortify existing distortions by amplifying labour market power structures. This diminishes the gains from trade compared to a model with perfectly competitive labour markets.

This paper investigates the impact of sustained lower productivity growth on exports, by looking at the role of the productivity distribution and allocative efficiency as drivers of export performance. It follows and goes beyond the work of Barba Navaretti et al. (2017), analysing the effects of productivity on exports depending on the dynamics of allocative efficiency. Low productivity growth is a well-documented stylised fact in Western countries – and possibly a reality likely to persist for some time. What could be the impact of persistent sluggish growth of productivity on exports? To shed light on this question, this paper examines the relationship between the productivity distribution of firms and sectoral export performance. The structure of firms within countries or even sectors matters tremendously for the nexus between productivity and exports at the macroeconomic level, as the theoretical and empirical literature documents. For instance, whether too few firms at the top (lack of innovation) or too many firms at the bottom (weak market selection) drives slow average productivity at the macro level has very different implications and therefore demands different policy responses.