Die deutsche Wirtschaft befindet sich weiterhin in der Krise. Der Beginn des Jahres 2025 ist geprägt von erheblichen innen- aber auch außenpolitischen Veränderungen. In Deutschland ist die wirtschaftspolitische Unsicherheit angesichts des Regierungswechsels hoch. Gleichzeitig belastet die protektionistische Handelspolitik der USA die deutsche Konjunktur. Zudem hat sich mit der neuen Regierung in den USA die Sicherheitslage in Europa verschlechtert. Vor diesem Hintergrund haben Bundestag und Bundesrat die Finanzverfassung Deutschlands grundlegend geändert und weitreichende öffentliche Verschuldungsspielräume geschaffen. 

Die wirtschaftliche Schwäche in Deutschland ist nicht nur konjunktureller, sondern auch struktureller Natur. So sehen sich deutsche Unternehmen einem verstärkten internationalen Wettbewerb vor allem aus China ausgesetzt. Zudem scheint ein Teil der Produktion in der energieintensiven Industrie dauerhaft weggefallen zu sein. Eine schwindende Erwerbsbevölkerung und hoher bürokratischer Aufwand sind weitere strukturelle Schwächen, unter denen die deutsche Wirtschaft leidet. 

Das Bruttoinlandsprodukt dürfte in diesem Jahr mit einem Anstieg um 0,1 % kaum mehr als stagnieren. Damit revidieren die Institute die Prognose vom Herbst 2024 recht deutlich um 0,7 Prozentpunkte nach unten. Insbesondere im Sommerhalbjahr 2025 wird inzwischen die Dynamik aufgrund der US-Zollpolitik schwächer eingeschätzt. Damit verzögert sich die erwartete Erholung. Im weiteren Prognosezeitraum dürfte eine voraussichtlich expansive Finanzpolitik die Konjunktur beleben. Im kommenden Jahr dürfte steigt das Bruttoinlandsprodukt um 1,3 %, wobei 0,3 Prozentpunkte der höheren Zahl an Arbeitstagen zu verdanken sind. Damit ist die Rate gegenüber der Herbstprognose unverändert, das Niveau der Wirtschaftsleistung ist aber 0,8 % niedriger.

There is growing evidence on the role of economic conditions in the recent successes of populist and extremist parties. However, little is known about the role of over-indebtedness, even though debtor distress has grown in Europe following the financial crisis. We study the unique case of the Czech Republic, where by 2017, nearly one in ten citizens had been served at least one debtor distress warrant even though the country consistently features low unemployment. Our municipality-level difference-in-differences analysis asks about the voting consequences of a rise in debtor distress following a 2001 deregulation of consumer-debt collection. We find that debtor distress has a positive effect on support for (new) extreme right and populist parties, but a negative effect on a (traditional) extreme-left party. The effects of debtor distress we uncover are robust to whether and how we control for economic hardship; the effects of debtor distress and economic hardship are of similar magnitude, but operate in opposing directions across the political spectrum.

There is growing evidence on the role of economic conditions in the recent successes of populist and extremist parties. However, little is known about the role of over-indebtedness, even though debtor distress has grown in Europe following the financial crisis. We study the unique case of the Czech Republic, where by 2017, nearly one in ten citizens had been served at least one debtor distress warrant even though the country consistently features low unemployment. Our municipality-level difference-in-differences analysis asks about the voting consequences of a rise in debtor distress following a 2001 deregulation of consumer-debt collection. We find that debtor distress has a positive effect on support for (new) extreme right and populist parties, but a negative effect on a (traditional) extreme-left party. The effects of debtor distress we uncover are robust to whether and how we control for economic hardship; the effects of debtor distress and economic hardship are of similar magnitude, but operate in opposing directions across the political spectrum.

We track the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on political preferences through ‘high’ and ‘low’ phases of the pandemic. We ask about the effects of the health and the economic costs of the pandemic measured at both personal and municipality levels. Consistent with the literature, we estimate effects suggestive of political accountability of leaders during ‘high’ pandemic phases. However, we also find that the pandemic political accountability effects are mostly short-lived, and do not extend to the first post-pandemic elections.

How durable are the political accountability effects of the worst pandemic in a century? We track the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on political preferences through its “high” and “low” phases in the Czech Republic. Uniquely, we ask about the effects of both the health and the economic costs of the pandemic measured at both personal and municipality levels. Consistent with the literature, we estimate effects suggestive of political accountability of leaders during “high” pandemic phases without higher support for non-democratic alternatives. However, we also find that the pandemic political accountability effects are mostly short-lived, and do not extend to the first post-pandemic elections.