We exploit the spatial and temporal variation of the staggered introduction of interstate banking deregulation across the U.S. to study the relationship between credit constraints and consumption of durables. Using the American Housing Survey from 1981 to 1993, we link the timing of these reforms with evidence of a credit expansion and household responses on many margins. We find robust evidence that households are more likely to purchase new appliances and invest in home renovations and modifications after the deregulation. These durable goods allowed households to consume less electricity and spend less time in domestic activities after the reforms.

Finance has seen a spectacular growth in innovation and internationalization during the 20th century (Lane and Milesi-Ferretti, 2008; Shiller, 2013), resulting in a complex and highly interconnected network of financial entities spanning across jurisdictions (Allen and Gale, 1994; Popov and Udell, 2012). Meanwhile the challenges grow for policymakers to provide a framework which allows for the operation of a stable finan- cial system within their jurisdiction (Merton, 1995; Allen and Gale, 2000; Morrison and White, 2009; Ongena et al., 2013). The global financial crisis highlights that se- vere disruptions in the financial sector spread across jurisdictions (Wiggins and Met- rick, 2015) and can have large negative effects on the real economy (Chodorow-Reich, 2013). To contain systemic risk and contagion in the globalized financial system, sev- eral changes have been applied to the regulatory framework of international financial markets (G20, 2009). Regulatory efforts encompass among others the implementa- tion of macroprudential policies and the introduction of mandatory central clearing of derivatives. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of differential effects of financial policy reforms depending on the characteristics of the regulated financial entities and networks.

This paper presents causal evidence of the effects of boardroom networks on firm value and compensation policies. We exploit exogenous variation in network centrality arising from a ban on interlocking directorates of Italian financial and insurance companies. We leverage this shock to show that firms whose centrality in the network rises after the reform experience positive abnormal returns around the announcement date and are better hedged against shocks. Information dissemination plays a central role: results are driven by firms that have higher idiosyncratic volatility, low analyst coverage, and more uncertainty surrounding their earnings forecasts. Firms benefit more from boardroom centrality when they are more central in the input-output network, hence more susceptible to upstream shocks, when they are less central in the cross-ownership network, or when they have low profitability or low growth opportunities. Network centrality also results in higher directors' compensation, due to rent sharing and improved executives' outside option, and more similar compensation policies between connected firms.

The global financial crisis in 2007-2009 exposed the absence of adequate regulation within the banking sector which had built up an excessive amount of on- and off-balance sheet leverage and had neglected basic principles of liquidity risk management (Acharya and Richardson, 2009, Adrian and Shin, 2010, Goodhart, 2008). As a response, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision presented a revised and augmented regulatory framework. Since the financial crisis had demonstrated that microprudential regulation is not sufficient in safeguarding financial stability, the regulators put an emphasizes on macroprudential policies to improve the resilience of the financial sector. Key reforms in this respect are the tightening of capital requirements and the introduction of uniform liquidity requirements (BCBS, 2010).

We explore the interaction between labour market reforms and financial frictions. Our study combines a new cross-country reform database on labour market reforms with matched firm-bank data for nine euro area countries over the period 1999 to 2013. While we find that labour market reforms are overall effective in increasing employment, restricted access to bank credit can undo up to half of long-term employment gains at the firm-level. Entrepreneurs without sufficient access to credit cannot reap the full benefits of more flexible employment regulation.

n modern finance, financial decision making of households plays an important role. At least the recent global financial crisis recalled the role of the household sector in financial stability. Besides the debate how, for example, the introduction of financial sector regulations and reforms can enhance the stability of financial systems and prevent future crises, research focuses on how household behavior contributes to financial stability and the performance of the economy. By allocating their re- sources, e.g., making decisions about labor supply, consumption, savings, and debt, households directly affect market production and prices and, thus, make a relevant contribution to financial stability. The exposure to the financial sector enables house- holds to influence the overall economy (Santoso and Sukada, 2009).

Does the administrative organization of police affect crime? In answering this question, we focus on the reorganization of local police agencies. Specifically, we study the effects police force reallocation via station closures has on local crime. We do this by exploiting a quasi-experiment where a reform substantially reduced the number of police stations. Combining a matching strategy with an event-study design, we find no effects on total theft. Police station closures, however, open up tempting opportunities for criminals in car theft and burglary in residential properties. We can rule out that our effects arise from incapacitation, crime displacement, or changes in employment of local police forces. Our results suggest that criminals are less deterred after police station closures and use the opportunity to steal more costly goods.

Kurzfristig war die Finanzkrise, ursprünglich ausgelöst durch exzessive Vergabe von Hypotheken an weniger kreditwürdige Haushalte, verbunden mit der weitverbreiteten Verbriefung dieser Hypotheken, mit schweren realwirtschaftlichen Konsequenzen verbunden. Die Volkswirtschaften aller Industrieländer schrumpften stark, die Arbeitslosigkeit stieg kräftig an. Firmen waren nicht in der Lage, neue Investitionen zu finanzieren, da es für Banken in vielen Ländern nicht möglich war, Kredite zu vergeben. Gleichzeitig führten die Rettungsaktionen der Regierungen zu einer starken Erhöhung der Schuldenstände und zu einer Nullzinspolitik, verbunden mit Anleihekäufen, der wichtigsten Zentralbanken.

Wo stehen wir heute, über zehn Jahre nach der Pleite von Lehman, die symbolisch noch immer eng mit der Krise verbunden ist? Und gibt es langfristige Auswirkungen auf die Wirtschaft – Auswirkungen, die wir noch heute spüren und möglicherweise noch viele Jahre spüren werden?