More individualistic countries experience higher economic growth. We provide evidence for a human-capital-based explanation of the growth effects of individualism. Using data from the largest international adult skill assessment, we establish that individualism shapes human capital formation. We identify the effects of individualism by exploiting variation between migrants at the origin-country, origin-language, and person level. Migrants from more individualistic cultures have higher cognitive skills and larger skill gains over time. They also invest more in their skills over the life cycle, as they acquire more years of schooling and are more likely to participate in adult education activities. Individualism is more important in explaining adult skill formation than any other cultural trait that previous literature has emphasized. In the labor market, more individualistic migrants earn higher wages and are less often unemployed. We show that our results cannot be explained by selective migration or omitted origin-country variables.

Many countries and regions remain below the level of economic activity of the world’s most advanced economies. Some countries form growth clubs, some are stuck in the middle-income trap, and some stay on a very low level of economic activity. Although this situation is well documented on the country level, there is less evidence at the sub-national level within countries. We estimate county-level capital stocks and price indices and provide a comprehensive county-level data set for Germany. We find no evidence of convergence across all counties even if we condition on important drivers of long-term growth such as physical and human capital accumulation. Instead, we identify five convergence clubs, using endogenous clustering. We analyze differences in growth paths and describe the identified clusters based on variations in contributions of capital, labor, and total factor productivity to economic growth. Additionally, we examine the role of migration for regional development and find that net migration has in particular contributed to growth in richer regions.

The Roy-Borjas model predicts that international migrants are less educated than nonmigrants because the returns to education are generally higher in developing (migrant-sending) than in developed (migrant-receiving) countries. However, empirical evidence often shows the opposite. Using the case of Mexico-U.S. migration, we show that this inconsistency between predictions and empirical evidence can be resolved when the human capital of migrants is assessed using a two-dimensional measure of occupational skills rather than by educational attainment. Thus, focusing on a single skill dimension when investigating migrant selection can lead to misleading conclusions about the underlying economic incentives and behavioral models of migration.

Kinder mit Migrationshintergrund besuchen im Vergleich zu Kindern ohne Migrationshintergrund deutlich seltener Kindertagesstätten (Kitas), obwohl gerade sie von einem Kitabesuch besonders profitieren würden. Ist sich die Bevölkerung dieser Diskrepanz bewusst? Und wie steht sie zu verschiedenen politischen Maßnahmen, die dieses Problem angehen? Wir untersuchen, ob Informationen über Ungleichheiten und Diskriminierung in der frühkindlichen Betreuung die Zustimmung der Bevölkerung zu gleichheitsfördernden Politikmaßnahmen beeinflussen. Dafür befragen wir 4 800 repräsentativ ausgewählte Personen aus der deutschen Bevölkerung. Es zeigt sich, dass die Befragten oft erhebliche Fehleinschätzungen über das Ausmaß der Ungleichheiten und Diskriminierung beim Kitazugang zwischen Familien mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund haben. Zufällig bereitgestellte Informationen über das tatsächliche Ausmaß dieser Diskrepanzen verringern die politische Polarisierung, d.h. Unterschiede in der Zustimmung zu Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für Familien mit Migrationshintergrund. Unsere Ergebnisse legen nahe, dass verzerrte Wahrnehmungen sozialer Ungleichheiten zu Meinungsunterschieden in der Bevölkerung beitragen. Ein besserer Informationsstand in der Bevölkerung könnte diese Polarisierung in der Zustimmung zu gleichheitsfördernden Politikmaßnahmen beim Zugang zu Kitas verringern.

Can staying minorities who evade ethnic cleansing affect political outcomes in resettled communities? After World War Two, three million ethnic Germans were expelled from Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland, but some were allowed to stay, many of them left-leaning antifascists. We study quasi-experimental local variation in expulsion policies, a result of the surprising presence of the U.S. Army, which indirectly helped antifascist Germans stay. We find a long-lasting footprint: Communist party support, party cells, and far-left values are stronger today where antifascist Germans stayed in larger numbers. Postwar German Communist elites appear to be behind this effect along with the intergenerational transmission of values among active party members.