Climate change and inequality are critical and interrelated defining issues for this century. Despite growing empirical evidence on the economic incidence of climate policies and impacts, mainstream model-based assessments are often silent on the interplay between climate change and economic inequality. For example, all the major model comparisons reviewed in IPCC neglect within-country inequalities. Here we fill this gap by presenting a model ensemble of eight large-scale Integrated Assessment Models belonging to different model paradigms and featuring economic heterogeneity. We study the distributional implications of Paris-aligned climate target of 1.5 degree and include different carbon revenue redistribution schemes. Moreover, we account for the economic inequalities resulting from residual and avoided climate impacts. We find that price-based climate policies without compensatory measures increase economic inequality in most countries and across models. However, revenue redistribution through equal per-capita transfers can offset this effect, leading to on average decrease in the Gini index by almost two points. When climate benefits are included, inequality is further reduced, but only in the long term. Around mid-century, the combination of dried-up carbon revenues and yet limited climate benefits leads to higher inequality under the Paris target than in the Reference scenario, indicating the need for further policy measures in the medium term.

We investigate public preferences for equity-enhancing policies in access to early child care, using a survey experiment with a representative sample of the German population (n ≈ 4, 800). We observe strong misperceptions about migrant-native inequalities in early child care that vary by respondents’ age and right-wing voting preferences. Randomly providing information about the actual extent of inequalities has a nuanced impact on the support for equity-enhancing policy reforms: it increases support for respondents who initially underestimated these inequalities, and tends to decrease support for those who initially overestimated them. This asymmetric effect leads to a more consensual policy view, substantially decreasing the polarization in policy support between under- and overestimators. Our results suggest that correcting misperceptions can align public policy preferences, potentially leading to less polarized debates about how to address inequalities and discrimination.

The female labor income share update is based on the methodology by Neef and Robilliard (2022). This update provides estimates of the female labor income share for 1990 –2023. This methodological note explains the data sources and methodology in detail, highlighting data availability and new data that was incorporated.

This paper analyzes the distribution and composition of pre-tax national income in Germany since 1992, combining personal income tax returns, household survey data, and national accounts. Inequality rose from the 1990s to the late 2000s due to falling labor incomes among the bottom 50% and rising incomes in the top 10%. This trend reversed after 2007 as labor incomes across the bottom 90% increased. The top 1% income share, dominated by business income, remained relatively stable between 1992 and 2019. A large share of Germany’s top 1% earners are non-corporate business owners in labor-intensive professions. At least half of the business owners in P99-99.9 and a quarter in the top 0.1% operate firms in professional services – a pattern mirroring the United States. From 1992 to 2019, Germany’s top 0.1% income concentration exceeded France’s and matched U.S. levels until the late 2000s.

Kinder mit Migrationshintergrund besuchen im Vergleich zu Kindern ohne Migrationshintergrund deutlich seltener Kindertagesstätten (Kitas), obwohl gerade sie von einem Kitabesuch besonders profitieren würden. Ist sich die Bevölkerung dieser Diskrepanz bewusst? Und wie steht sie zu verschiedenen politischen Maßnahmen, die dieses Problem angehen? Wir untersuchen, ob Informationen über Ungleichheiten und Diskriminierung in der frühkindlichen Betreuung die Zustimmung der Bevölkerung zu gleichheitsfördernden Politikmaßnahmen beeinflussen. Dafür befragen wir 4 800 repräsentativ ausgewählte Personen aus der deutschen Bevölkerung. Es zeigt sich, dass die Befragten oft erhebliche Fehleinschätzungen über das Ausmaß der Ungleichheiten und Diskriminierung beim Kitazugang zwischen Familien mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund haben. Zufällig bereitgestellte Informationen über das tatsächliche Ausmaß dieser Diskrepanzen verringern die politische Polarisierung, d.h. Unterschiede in der Zustimmung zu Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für Familien mit Migrationshintergrund. Unsere Ergebnisse legen nahe, dass verzerrte Wahrnehmungen sozialer Ungleichheiten zu Meinungsunterschieden in der Bevölkerung beitragen. Ein besserer Informationsstand in der Bevölkerung könnte diese Polarisierung in der Zustimmung zu gleichheitsfördernden Politikmaßnahmen beim Zugang zu Kitas verringern.