Germany after stagnation: Slow stimulation of overall economy by export driven recovery
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 9,
2004
Abstract
The main centres of the recovery in this business cycle remain in the US and East Asia. Amid the fading stimuli from economic policy, the US economy loses some of its momentum and GDP will increase by 4.5% in 2004 followed by 3.5% in the coming year. In the euro area, the vibrant external trade more and more spills over into the domestic economy. Still, with 1.5% this year and 2% in 2005, GDP will clearly underperform in comparison to the growth centres of the world. In Germany, even more so than in the euro area, the revival depends on the world economy. Exports will maintain their strong upward trend and in their wake, demand for consumer as well as capital goods will start to increase. But increases in consumption will remain small this year and it will be 2005 before clear improvements can be observed. After stagnating in 2003, GDP will rise by 1.8% both this and next year.
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Investment, Financial Markets, New Economy Dynamics and Growth in Transition Countries
Albrecht Kauffmann, P. J. J. Welfens
Economic Opening Up and Growth in Russia: Finance, Trade, Market Institutions, and Energy,
2004
Abstract
The transition to a market economy in the former CMEA area is more than a decade old and one can clearly distinguish a group of relatively fast growing countries — including Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia — and a majority of slowly growing economies, including Russia and the Ukraine. Initial problems of transition were natural in the sense that systemic transition to a market economy has effectively destroyed part of the existing capital stock that was no longer profitable under the new relative prices imported from world markets; and there was a transitory inflationary push as low state-administered prices were replaced by higher market equilibrium prices. Indeed, systemic transformation in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have brought serious transitory inflation problems and a massive transition recession; negative growth rates have continued over many years in some countries, including Russia and the Ukraine, where output growth was negative throughout the 1990s (except for Russia, which recorded slight growth in 1997). For political and economic reasons the economic performance of Russia is of particular relevance for the success of the overall transition process. If Russia would face stagnation and instability, this would undermine political and economic stability in the whole of Europe and prospects for integrating Russia into the world economy.
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Differences between German regions with respect to growth factors: a comparison based on a cluster analysis
Franz Kronthaler
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 13,
2003
Abstract
The objective of the paper is to examine regional disparities within Germany with respect to the endowment with growth factors. The study is based on a cluster analysis. Growth factors considered are innovation activity, human capital, private and public capital, and regional concentration. The results show that German regions can be classified in ten clusters with different characteristic profiles. Eight clusters consist of West German regions and two clusters comprise East German regions. There is no cluster which contains both West and East German regions. Regarding the East German clusters more precisely it can be shown that the endowment with growth factors in most of East German regions is low. This result applies also for several West German regions. However there are few East German regions particularly those with important agglomerations which have a more favourable endowment with growth factors. Nevertheless also in those regions still several weaknesses in the endowment with growth factors exist.
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A Study of the Competitiveness of Regions based on a Cluster Analysis: The Example of East Germany
Franz Kronthaler
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 179,
2003
Abstract
This paper examines whether some East German regions have already achieved the same economic capability as the regions in West Germany, so that they are on a competitive basis with the West German regions and are able to reach the same economic level in the long run. If this is not the case, it is important to know more about the reasons for the economic weakness of the East German regions twelve years after unification.
The study is based on a cluster analysis. Criteria for the cluster formation are several economic indicators, which provide information about the economic capability of regions. The choice of the indicators is based on a review of results of the theoretical and empirical literature on the new growth theory and new economic geography.
The results show that most of the East German regions have not yet reached the economic capability and competitiveness of their West German counterparts so that they - from the viewpoint of the new growth theory and the new economic geography - are not in the position to reach the same economic level. According to these theories economic disadvantages are most notably the consequences of less technical progress, a lack of entrepreneurship and fewer business concentration. Under these points it is especially noteworthy that young well educated people leave these East German regions so that human capital might will turn into a bottle-neck in the near future. Only a few regions in East Germany - those with important agglomerations - are comparable to West German regions that are characterised by average capability and competitiveness, but not to those with above average economic capability and competitiveness. Even those more advanced East German regions still suffer from a slower technical progress.
There are important policy implications based on these results: regional policy in East Germany was not able to assist raising all regions to a sufficient level of competitiveness. It may be more effective to concentrate the regional policy efforts on a selection of important agglomerations. This has also strong implications for the EU regional policy assuming that the accession countries will have similar problems in catching up to the economic level of the EU as have the East German regions.
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On the presence of important growth factors in German regions along the border with Poland
Gerhard Heimpold
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 7,
2003
Abstract
The German regions bordering on Poland are regarded as economically weak. Prior to the EU enlargement there was great uncertainty about the economic prospects of these regions. Against this background this contribution tries to shed some light on this debate about the future of the border regions. The empirical research shows two different findings: Firstly, the border space is not a homogeneous one. Rather, certain sub-regions show strengths – for instance the university towns in terms of the availability of human capital and of service industries. Other districts are remarkable for their great share of employees in the manufacturing sector as well as for their exceptionally high industrial investment. Secondly, the border regions show an endowment with essential growth determinants which is often below East Germany as a whole. But this is the case in many other East German regions too. The East-West disparities turn out to be much more serious than the intra-East German disparities.
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Significant Progress in East German Machine Construction Industry
Siegfried Beer
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 2,
2003
Abstract
The restructuring of the mechanical engineering industry of the new Länder has displayed clearly positive effects. Between 1997 and 2001, productivity and turnover have increased by about 25 %. Since mid 1999 the number of employees has also gone up again. Business surveys indicate an improvement in profitability. This positive development is due to an increase in competitiveness which is based on new product lines together with more effective innovation activities. Growth has also been enhanced by the enlargement and modernisation of the capital stock and a moderate movement of wages. Despite this progress the east German engineering industry as a whole does by far not reach the productivity figures of its west German counterpart. Differences explaining this gap are found in the product structure with dominating customer specific products and in the firm size with a smaller number of employees in the East.
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Possible effects of demographic change - An overview
Gunter Steinmann, Olaf Fuchs, Sven Tagge
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 15,
2002
Abstract
One of the more important influences shaping the future economic conditions of the highly industrialized countries is the decline and aging of their population. The article is a comprehensive survey of the impact of this development on key economic variables and the institutions of the welfare state. While the overall consequence of the aging process on productivity growth is more likely to be negative, there are also some offsetting forces like the increase in the capital intensity. The institutions of the welfare state, which are based on intergenerational transfers, will have to be reformed, in order to bring them in line with the demographic process. The prediction of a decrease in the rate of unemployment as a consequence of a declining labor force is according to our analysis not justified.
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Growth in the East German manufacturing sector mainly due to companies higher competitiveness
Siegfried Beer, Joachim Ragnitz
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 13,
2002
Abstract
Since 1995, the manufacturing sector in East Germany has seen strong growth. This article aims at identifying the reasons for the dynamic development of production in this period. Though one major reason is the expansion of production capacities mainly in growth- and productivity-intensive sectors, an analysis of total factor productivity yields the result that improved competitiveness (presumably in yet existing firms) is even more important. Nevertheless, there are few industries where new establishments seem to play the major role.
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The economic situation in Belarus – Obsolescence of capital stock blocks growth (Eighteenth Report)
IWH-Sonderhefte,
No. 5,
2001
Abstract
Das reale Bruttoinlandsprodukt und die reale Industrieproduktion nahmen im vergangenen Jahr um 6% bzw. 8% zu. Auch blieb die offiziell registrierte Arbeitslosigkeit weiterhin auf einem sehr niedrigen Niveau von etwa 2% der Erwerbspersonen. Die Republik Belarus gehört aber damit nur auf den ersten Blick zu den wirtschaftlich erfolgreichen Ländern Mittel- und Osteuropas. Diese "Erfolge" wurden nämlich zu einem hohen Preis erkauft: Die Inflationsrate blieb auf einem dreistelligen Niveau (169%). Die Anlageinvestitionen nahmen ab, sodass sich der Zustand des Kapitalstocks weiter verschlechterte. Faktisch besteht der Kapitalstock zur Hälfte aus Anlagen, die vollständig abgeschrieben wurden. Die Wirtschaftspolitik der Regierung setzte vor allem auf die Förderung des privaten Konsums und die Sicherung einer möglichst hohen Beschäftigung, auch durch Aufrechterhaltung unrentabler Produktionen. Ein Strukturwandel fand nicht statt. Die Privatisierung wurde faktisch abgebrochen. Dabei zeigte sich, dass die ständige Steigerung der Reallöhne (12% im vergangenen Jahr) und des privaten Konsums bei rückläufigen Investitionen einen Substanzverzehr nach sich zieht: Der Kapitalstock wurde in konsumierbares Einkommen umgewandelt. Abgesichert wurde diese falsche Politik durch eine übermäßige Ausweitung der Geldmenge, in deren Ergebnis der Monetisierungsgrad der belarussischen Wirtschaft im vergangenen Jahr auf ein Niveau von 5% fiel, welches das geringe Vertrauen in die Währung reflektiert. Das Defizit in der Leistungsbilanz verringerte sich zwar etwas im vergangenen Jahr. Die Steigerung der realen Exporte bei gleichzeitiger Senkung der realen Importe wurde aber durch die drastische Verschlechterung der Terms of Trade, insbesondere im Handel mit Russland (- 20%), weitgehend kompensiert. Die ökonomisch zweifelhafte Konzentration der Exporte auf Russland wurde via Gegengeschäfte, insbesondere Barter, durchgesetzt, in dessen Folge belarussische Exporteure erhebliche Preisabschläge hinnehmen mussten. Auf diese Weise wurde ein Teil des zusätzlichen Volkseinkommens nach Russland transferiert. Positiv ist lediglich zu verbuchen, dass im September des vergangenen Jahres ein einheitlicher Wechselkurs eingeführt wurde. Problematisch am neuen Wechselkurssystem ist allerdings die Einführung eines gleitenden Bandes, wobei die zentrale Parität an den Rubel gebunden wurde. Diese in Vorausnahme der beabsichtigten Währungsunion eingeführte Bindung erhöht die Gefahr einer realen Aufwertung gegenüber dem US-Dollar und dem Euro. Darüber hinaus stellt ein gleitendes Band einen nur schwachen Versuch dar, das fehlende Vertrauen in die Landeswährung wieder herzustellen. Das Wachstum des BIP wird im laufenden Jahr 2001 wahrscheinlich 4% betragen (der Industrie 5%). Die anstehenden Präsidentschaftswahlen in diesem Jahr lassen eine erhebliche Expansion der Reallöhne und der Geldmenge erwarten. Entsprechend dem Muster der vergangenen Jahre würde dies mit einer weiteren Abschwächung der Investitionen und damit einem weiteren Substanzverlust in der Wirtschaft einhergehen. Die Inflationsrate wird trotz erheblicher Ausweitung der Geldmenge mit 150% in etwa auf dem Niveau des Jahres 2000 verbleiben; eine niedrigere Rate wird auch mit neuen administrativen Preiskontrollen kaum zu erreichen sein
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Economic Development in Saxony-Anhalt: empirical results and policy recommendations
Franz Barjak, Peter Franz, Gerhard Heimpold, Martin T. W. Rosenfeld
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 3,
2001
Abstract
Though the basic economic problems are still of the same kind all over East Germany, partially considerable regional differences exist in respect to the conditions for further economic development. Therefore, detailed empirical analyses for the individual Länder and their sub-regions are necessary making economic policy recommendations. The following contribution deals with this task taking Saxony-Anhalt as an example.
A multitude of indicators is used to bring out the specific strengths and weaknesses of the economy of this state (Land) and its sub-regions. The outstanding strength of Saxony-Anhalt are the high private investment outlays which served to build a modern capital stock during the past ten years. Another fundamental strength of the Land are the universities and public research institutions. Besides these unambiguous strengths some ‘ambivalent’ growth factors exist which are characterized by strengths as well as by weaknesses. Such ‘ambivalent’ growth factors are the infrastructure and the situation of important sectors and branches of economic activity. The weaknesses of Saxony-Anhalt’s economic structure find expression especially in its low supply with human capital and entrepreneurial initiative as well as in the few research and development efforts of its firms.
The aforementioned strengths of the Land are reflected insufficiently in its economic output. Consequently some economic policy measures are proposed to bring about an improvement: Amongst other things Saxony-Anhalt should develop a clear idea of its economic development (Leitbild). Such a Leitbild could be related to the Land’s strengths or to the elimination of its major weaknesses. This also would facilitate a concentrated use of the different economic policy instruments. The latter shouldn’t only be concentrated on singular economic growth factors but also spatially, on the economically stronger sub-regions, as this can lead to larger growth effects for the entire Land. The good provision with public research institutions in Saxony-Anhalt should be used to bring about an improvement of the economic structure to a larger extent than until now. This could be done for example by means of a further strengthening of applied research vs. basic research, possibly via orienting the public research more towards the existing branches of economic activity. Finally, the Land should intensify its efforts to increase the entrepreneurial initiative in Saxony-Anhalt, e. g. by means of introducing courses in economics in its schools.
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