The Contestable Markets Theory - Efficient Advice for Economic Policy
Christian Growitsch, Thomas Wein
External Publications,
2004
Abstract
During the nineties of the last century several formerly monopolistic markets (telecommunication, electricity, gas, and railway) have been deregulated in Germany based on European directives and theoretically inspired by the theory of contestable markets. The original contestable market theory implied three assumptions necessary to be satisfied to establish potential competition: Free market entry, market exit possible without any costs, and the price adjustment lag exceeding the entry lag. Our analysis shows that if the incumbent reduces its prices slowly (high adjustment lag) and the market entry can be performed quickly (low entry lag), a new competitor will be able to earn back sunk costs. Therefore it is not necessary that all three conditions be complied with for potential competition to exist. Applying this „revised“ contestable market theory to the deregulated sectors in Germany, natural monopolies can be identified in telecommunication sections local loops and local/regional connection networks, in the national electricity grid and the regional/local electricity distribution networks, in the national and regional/local gas transmission/distribution sections, and in the railroad network. These sections are not contestable due to sunk costs, expected high entry lags and a probably short price adjustment lag. They are identified as bottlenecks, which should be regulated. The function of system operators in energy and railroad are closely related to the non-contestable monopolistic networks.
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The economic structure of the largest East German cities: economic differences increase
Cordula Winkler
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 2,
2004
Abstract
Especially large cities come into appearance within the field of interregional competition, while trying to attract enterprises and mobile production factors. Against this background, the paper examines the economic stage of development of the largest East German cities. In addition to the actual situation we have a look at the development of cities since the middle of the 90ies. Relating to the actual economic situation, the findings show great economic differences between cities. Nevertheless, none of the large cities have taken on a leading position for all considered indicators. Instead of this each large city has its own specific strengths and weaknesses – compared with the other large cities as well as compared with East Germany on the whole. In addition, a comparison with the situation in 1995 shows, that the degree of differentiation between cities has increased. This development goes along with a strengthening of specific economic profiles, particularly in smaller large cities.
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Explaining Investment Trends in European Union Countries
Klaus Weyerstraß
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 174,
2003
Abstract
In the 1980s and, in particular, in the 1990s the countries of the European Union experienced divergent developments of gross fixed capital formation. Estimating an investment function for a panel of ten countries and analyzing the paths of the determinants of investment in the countries under consideration reveals that the different development of final demand is the main factor responsible for the divergences in investment. Other factors are disparities in the decline of real interest rates and of relative prices for capital goods.
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The Olympic Games raise hopes for regional development policy: Economic effects of the infrastructure investments planned for the Olympic Games in 2012 in Leipzig
Peter Franz, Franz Kronthaler
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 7,
2003
Abstract
Together with the cities of Chemnitz, Dresden, Halle and Riesa the East German city of Leipzig has applied as venue for the Olympic Games 2012. With its application Leipzig competed with four economically by far stronger West German cities (Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Düsseldorf, Hamburg). On April 12, 2003 the National Olympic Committee had to elect the national candidate for 2012 out of this bundle of five applying cities and nominated Leipzig. With the organization of this big event the city of Leipzig and its partner cities expect a strong impulse for regional development. This study tries to estimate the potential economic effects of the planned investment with regard to infrastructure. Important results: Regarding directly the job effects connected with the investment and development of the infrastructure about 3,500 additional jobs are to be expected for a period of ten years. The infrastructure investment planned so far for the Olympiad will contribute only partially to eliminate important infrastructural bottlenecks in the region. Nevertheless the planned infrastructure facilities would have the effect that the new ‘olympia region Leipzig’ would remain attractive also after 2012 as venue for large sport events.
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Regional economic effects of hosting the Olympic Games 2012 in Leipzig and its partner towns - An analysis of infrastructure investments
Peter Franz, Franz Kronthaler
IWH-Sonderhefte,
No. 1,
2003
Abstract
Together with the cities of Chemnitz, Dresden, Halle and Riesa the East German city of Leipzig has applied as venue for the Olympic Games 2012. With its application Leipzig competed with four economically by far stronger West German cities (Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Düsseldorf, Hamburg). On April 12, 2003 the National Olympic Committee had to elect the national candidate for 2012 out of this bundle of five applying cities and nominated Leipzig. With the organization of this big event the city of Leipzig and its partner cities expect a strong impulse for regional development. This study tries to estimate the potential economic effects of the planned investment with regard to infrastructure. Important results: Regarding directly the job effects connected with the investment and development of the infrastructure about 3,500 additional jobs are to be expected for a period of ten years. The infrastructure investment planned so far for the Olympiad will contribute only partially to eliminate important infrastructural bottlenecks in the region. Nevertheless the planned infrastructure facilities would have the effect that the new ‘olympia region Leipzig’ would remain attractive also after 2012 as venue for large sport events.
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Comparable types of regions in East and West Germany show disparities – East German urban agglomerations have difficulties!
Gerhard Heimpold, Martin T. W. Rosenfeld
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 15,
2002
Abstract
A discussion about the reform of regional policy in Germany and in the EU is ongoing. Against this background the article investigates the regional disparities between similar types of regions in East and West Germany after reunification. The findings do not only show a general East-West gap of economic welfare and of their determinants but also a visible spatial differentiation. It shows that the East German agglomerations have disadvantages in the field of interregional competition. They are worse endowed with crucial growth determinants compared with their West German counterparts, whereas the East-West differences for urbanized regions (where the population density is medium-sized) and rural regions are smaller. The disadvantages stated suggest a stronger concentration of regional policy in favour of these agglomerated spaces targeted on improving the locational attractiveness and strengthening their function as driving forces of the economic catch-up process in East Germany.
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Does East Germany need a new technology policy? – Implications from the functioning of the R&D market after the transformation
Ralf Müller
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 145,
2001
Abstract
Technology policy is a major part of government's efforts in contributing to East Ger-many's economic recovery. However, even a decade after unification East Germany does not produce sufficient technology goods. Thus, the question is whether technology policy is either not suitable or inefficient in tackling East Germany's deficits. A special technology policy for East Germany is justified by the lack of regional networks for technology firms; without a compensating policy East Germany would continue to lag behind West Germany also with respect to incomes. Yet only a few of the policy in-struments applied so far are efficiently dealing with these deficits. Thus, a future technology policy for East Germany should – mainly by the supply of R&D-infrastructure – support implementation of these kinds of networks.
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Regional analysis of East Germany: A comparison of the economic situation of states, districts, and municipalities
Franz Barjak, Peter Franz, Gerhard Heimpold, Martin T. W. Rosenfeld
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 2,
2000
Abstract
A decade after the German unification we look at the extent of economic differentiation within East Germany. This is achieved by help of a set of selected statistical indicators for the years 1991 to 1998. Comparisons are drawn a) between the East German jurisdictions and b) between West and East German jurisdictions. On the federal state (Laender) level it can be shown that each state has developped its own specific economic profile. Brandenburg is characterized by a positive net migration (suburban function for Berlin), relatively low unemployment and high GDP values, but relatively low entrepreneurial activities. Saxony has achieved the lowest unemployment, a good endowment with human capital, modern industrial technology, infrastructure, and entrepreneurial activities. Special features of Thuringia consist of a relatively large number of patent applications and a stable industrial base. The economic state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is characterized by low industrial investment, negative net migration, and high unemployment. A special feature of this federal state is the intense investmenr in tourist services. Saxony-Anhalt registers the highest decrease in the numbers of industrial workers between 1991 and 1998 and the highest unemployment. On the other side it shows the highest amount of investment, especially in chemical industry and in mineral oil processing.
On the county level four clusters can be identified by means of a cluster analysis: A “cluster of counties with severe economic weaknesses” with a bias in the regions indutrialized in an early stage, a “cluster with a high human capital potential and suburbanization loss” consisting of 21 cities, a “cluster of counties with good economic results” predominantly surrounding the larger cities, and a “cluster of counties with SME growth potential” concentrating in Thuringia and Saxony.
The results at the city level show that the larger cities above 100.000 inhabitants, especially Dresden and Leipzig, do better than the smaller cities. Jena in Thuringia has specialized as a location for R&D, Zwickau in Saxony as a location for the automobile industry. Altogether the economic differences between the East German federal states, counties, and cities still are less pronounced than the degree of differentiation of their West German counterparts.
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The Regional and Urban Effects of High Speed Trains
Ulrich Blum, K. E. Haynes, Charlie Karlsson
Annals of Regional Science,
1997
Abstract
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Inner cities fall behind and "greenfield sites" develop dynamically – Consequences of trade establishments in East German urban regions
Peter Franz
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
No. 13,
1996
Abstract
Eine vergleichende Untersuchung von vier ostdeutschen Stadtregionen zeigt, dass sich der Handel seit 1990 massiv außerhalb der Innenstädte niedergelassen hat. Diese Ansiedlungsdynamik hat zu einer Abwertung innerstädtischer und zu einer Aufwertung peripherer Standorte geführt und die angestrebte revitalisierung der Innenstädte bisher stark behindert. Im Hinblick auf das Spanungsfeld von Innenstadt und Umland werden drei Pfade zukünftiger Stadtentwicklung unterschieden, deren Beeinflussung jeweils einen unterschiedlichen Einsatz und Zuschnitt politischer Maßnahmen erfordern.
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